Cultural Change for the We the People Amendment
[fifth in a series]
Organized working people in factories, farms, offices and other settings have been historically the most powerful constituency in the U.S. to check corporate power and the capitalist economic system. There is an inverse relationship between the power of workers and organized capital, that is, corporations (especially when allied with the government) – which is sometimes called “fascism.” Privileges and rights granted to corporations and property were – and remain – privileges and rights denied to human beings.
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Poster. By Ricardo Levins Morales
At the time of the American Revolution, 95 percent of the population was engaged in farming. Most of the rest were individual craftsmen, skilled in the hands-on creation and restoration of objects.
Craftsmen, including carpenters, were among the first workers to collectively organize themselves into independent groups – called unions. Many originally focused on mutual aid. Their education and advocacy led to an executive order in 1840 establishing the 10 hour workday for government employees and workers on government contracts.
The industrial revolution transformed work and workers in the U.S. in the 1840s as craftsmen, and former farmers began working in factories in New England. Poor working conditions, hazardous environments, long hours, low wages, child labor, and widespread pollution were common. Additionally, the concentration of people in urban areas where factories were located led to overcrowding and unsanitary living conditions.
Workers began educating themselves about the nature of their condition, including that only a small percentage of their time they labored went to pay their wages; the rest of the time paid for the factory, materials, tools and the income and profits of the corporate owners. They developed a class consciousness, that is, an understanding and awareness of their collective position in society, particularly as it related to the property owning class. This resulted in greater worker solidarity and a commitment to create a more just society. This represented the start of the labor movement.
Unions were the venues for worker education, cultural solidarity, and political and economic organizing for power. Union members learned about labor history. Leadership development and empowerment training were widespread. Unions promoted various economic alternatives, in particular worker and consumer cooperatives, which strengthened cultural solidarity as well as met basic economic needs. The cultural bonds of union workers were incredibly strong as they worked, learned, trained, socialized, planned and waged collective actions.
Since workers had no legally recognized rights and little power before the Civil War, individually or in union with others, they at first pushed for arbitration (settling disputes by the ruling of a third party) to address grievances. Over time, workers began organizing and lobbying for higher wages, better working conditions, the 8 hour workday, ending of child labor; protecting women in workplaces and improving safety inspections of workplaces – as well as advocating for public education and improved urban social and economic conditions. They raised the hopes of workers and gave them a sense of power and unity they never possessed before
Early unions focusing on a single craft or trade like shoemaking, carpentry, tailoring, or printing gave way following the Civil War and thereafter to labor federations – a coordinated coalition of diverse local unions and workers that helped broaden and deepen worker solidarity.. Examples included the National Labor Union (1866-70) and the Knights of Labor (1869-86). Later, the American Federation of Labor (AFL), founded in 1886 by Samuel Gompers, shortly after the Haymarket bombing on May 1, called for a general strike focused on skilled trades and collective bargaining for better wages and conditions. In the 1930s, the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) emerged to organize industrial workers (e.g., steel, rubber, and auto manufacturing) into powerful unions. The eventual merger of the AFL and CIO in 1955 created the AFL-CIO, which remains a major force in labor advocacy today. Other important organizations include the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW), known as the “Wobblies,” which aimed for revolutionary change and worker control of industry. The United Farm Workers (UFW), co-founded by Cesar Chavez and Dolores Huerta in the 1960s, fought for the rights of agricultural laborers, many of whom were immigrants and migrants excluded from earlier labor protections. Major unions currently include the American Federation of State, County, and Municipal Employees (AFSCME), American Federation of Teachers (AFT), American Nurses Association (ANA), each serving specific sectors like education, healthcare, and public services. The Service Employees International Union (SEIU) is the fastest-growing labor union in North America.
The arts – especially music, artwork and literature – gave voice to the struggles and dreams of working people. Songs, murals and literature informed, inspired, and unified the ranks of workers as they faced hardship and struggled for a better future.
Music, in particular, became a potent tool for solidarity and education in the early 20th century. Songs (here and here) such as “Which Side Are You On?” “Solidarity Forever,” and “Bread and Roses” transcended regional and occupational boundaries, turning picket lines into sites of resilience and resolve. These songs were often passed along orally, easily learned and shared among diverse communities of workers, many of whom lacked formal education or spoke different languages. Woody Guthrie, a voice of the working class during the Great Depression, used his music to illuminate the lives of migrant laborers and the unemployed. His songs blended critique with hope, reinforcing the belief that workers could reclaim power through unity. The IWW was especially effective in using music as well as pamphlets to mobilize workers across racial and ethnic lines.
Artwork played a powerful role in culturally communicating the lives, spirits and goals of workers. The Mexican muralist Diego Rivera’s famous Detroit Industry Murals (1932–1933) celebrated labor not as toil alone, but as a noble, creative force. During the New Deal era, the Works Progress Administration (WPA) funded public art projects that visually narrated the laboring life, placing the struggles and contributions of workers at the forefront of public consciousness. Union banners conveyed “specific values centered around fair wages, protest, and rights across industries.” Posters about labor movement organizing, for workers and supporters are still prevalent.
Labor movement literature and poetry, often referred to as proletarian literature or labor poetry – most prevalent in the 1920’s and 1930’s – explores the experiences, struggles, and dignity of working-class people. Upton Sinclair’s The Jungle and the poetry of Langston Hughes and, later, Muriel Rukeyser represented this class-consciousness perspective.
The labor movement has days throughout the year to celebrate and commemorate its accomplishments and sacrifices. These include Workers Memorial Day on April 28, May Day on May 1 and Labor Day (first Monday in September).
Inclusion and diversity of people, ideas and strategies has been a constant source of tension and struggle within the labor movement from the beginning. There were differences between skilled craftspersons and unskilled factory workers over wages and benefits; between reformers (largely Democrats and some Republicans) who wanted simply better laws within the corporate capitalist system and socialists, communists and anarchists who advocated for abolishing capitalism; between union members who simply wanted to focus on better wages and working conditions and utopian reformers who wanted to address larger social and economic ills; between union leaders and rank and file members over internal democracy; between men and women; between whites and blacks and immigrants; and more recently between cisgender and LGTBQ+ members.
Serious differences also existed between rank and file members over strategies – using resources to build power by organizing more members vs contributing to political campaigns, between working alone and/or other unions and working with other non-labor organizations (such as faith and community groups), and strategies over promoting violent vs nonviolent methods.
Some of these differences were at times strengths of the labor movement based on diversity while others were major flaws based on discrimination. The latter resulted in racism, sexism and nationalism in many unions. Union members were purged for their political beliefs. Unions split or were expelled from other unions over their ideologies or strategic directions. Often these differences among members resulted in regarding each other as opponents second only to the corporate owners and the police that worked in alliance with corporate owners.
The labor movement has achieved tremendous victories in improving the lives of workers and all people. These appointments, Executive Orders and Acts (laws) have profoundly benefited the social and economic conditions of the majority of people in this country, providing essential reforms to a corporate capitalist system that would without intervention exploit workers and others for profit and power.
The tradeoff, however, was not to fundamentally challenge politically and economically the corporate capitalist system. One aspect of that is how the U.S. Constitution protects property rights over human rights – including workers rights. The Labor Movement could have pushed for enactment of a constitutional Economic Bill of Rights, as promoted by FDR. It could have profoundly challenged the reality that workers have no First Amendment free speech or assembly rights, nor Fourth Amendment search and seizure rights at their workplaces. It also could have continued to fight against the National Labor Relations Act of 1935 (protects the rights of employees in the private sector to organize, form or join unions, and engage in collective bargaining with their employers) being upheld constitutionally by the Supreme Court under the Commerce Clause. Granting working people these rights would limit strikes and reduce the disruption of interstate commerce. This ended the union advocacy claiming that the 13th Amendment should be classified as a “Labor Amendment” guaranteeing worker’s rights as basic human rights.
The tangible victories of labor occurred in the face of massive opposition from corporations, police, pro-corporate elected officials, courts, corporate media and academia. Union busting by corporations and the courts has taken many forms. Anti-union violence by detective and guard agencies, such as the Pinkertons; company guards; police; national guard; and even the military goes back more than a century. Workers have rarely used violence throughout history to organize for basic rights. When it has occurred, it has been to defend themselves from violent attack or to prevent replacement workers from taking jobs during a strike.
Strategically and culturally, unions have employed nonviolent forms of direct action, such as picketing, boycotts, strikes, and civil disobedience. The sit-down strike (where workers simply sat down on the job inside a factory), first used by rubber workers in Akron, Ohio, was a tactic to stop production of tires, prevent replacement “scab” workers from continuing production and protect workers themselves from violence (since shooting at workers would likely harm corporate property). They also included mass demonstrations, including the 1963 mass March for Jobs and Freedom in Washington, DC.
Lastly, the U.S. labor movement has become more international politically, economically and culturally. Technological advancements, the global movement of capital by corporations and individuals emigrating seeking better opportunities, and the interconnection of issues and problems across national boundaries have been the main drivers.
Lessons for Move to Amend and the We the People Amendment
1. Reframe the narrative
The labor movement used music, art, literature and the media to redefine workers from simply being cogs in an economic machine to being the major creators of value in our economy and society (i.e. “makers”) and, thus, justified in having an authentic voice in the economic decisions of their workplace and, with other stakeholders, society at large. They also have been effective in increasingly defining major corporate owners and corporations as merely seeking to maximize personal and corporate profits (i.e. takers) to the detriment of workers, human health and well being, communities and the natural world. Move to Amend must similarly continue to challenge the dominant myths that corporations should have a legitimate role in the shaping of political, if not economic, decisions of our society and that money should be “free speech,” core elements of the We the People Amendment, which comes at the expense of the voices and experiences of the majority of people.
2. Build identity and solidarity
Strong unions throughout U.S. history built cultures of solidarity and pride through collective internal education and external action. Move to Amend must create a shared identity around broad and deep democratic self-determination. It should be a vision and action plan of the right of We, the People to govern, not simply a critique of corporate power or constitutional rights as defined by the We the People Amendment. Two documents that could be updated to address our current polycrisis are Why We Need a Democracy Movement and a Strategic Plan to Pass the We the People Amendment to the United States Constitution
3. Reform AND transform
Labor cast their collective lot largely on organizing for tangible reforms of the corporate capitalist system. These are necessary and must continue. The reality, however, is that these laws have been previously weakened and in some cases threaten now to be repealed by the Trump Administration. The Supreme Court has weighed in to weaken the rights of labor in its Janus decision and Cedar Point Nursery decisions, as well as the Starbucks Corp. v. McKinney ruling and decision allowing President Trump to fire labor board members. This is what happens when there isn't a transformative system change that locks in basic human rights and expands the rights of people to self-govern over the rights of corporations to govern.
Move to Amend should as much as possible ground its constitutional critique in everyday needs of people that are opposed by corporate power – health care for all, improved wages and benefits, housing for all, jobs, democratic elections, clean air and water, etc. The same goes for support of local cooperatives and mutual aid groups. At the same time, we must continue to focus on transformative change that changes the constitutional rules of the game that shifts power from the super rich and corporations to people. The We the People Amendment is one piece of that transformation.
4. Use cultural institutions to shift norms
The labor movement understands that music, the arts and literature are powerful mediums to inspire, inform, express and build solidarity. Move to Amend needs to focus on developing and sharing these other forms of communication. Toward that end, we’ve recently launched a Creating Resistance webpage of documentaries and videos, music and literature.
5. Popular change requires movement-building
Labor's success in pushing for their legislative accomplishments for themselves and society at large wasn’t mainly due to their legislative strategy, but their commitment to mass mobilization. The same must be true for Move to Amend’s strategy for passing the We the People Amendment. While we must continue to lobby in conventional ways, we must always remember that our main goal is to organize mass actions, work with others in coalition. and invest time and energy in grassroots organizing to create an authentic democratic movement for authentic democracy infrastructure beyond petitioning or lobbying.
6. Maintain political Independence
The labor movement has often been constrained by over-reliance on the Democratic Party. The rise of independent labor politics (e.g., various Labor Parties over the decades or more recently Democratic Socialist of America-backed campaigns) shows that real change often comes from outside traditional party structures. Move to Amend has always been politically non-partisan. It makes good sense to remain so, while at the same time appealing to members of all parties to support individually and via endorsing resolutions the We the People Amendment.
7. Direct action has its place
Labor history shows that sit-down strikes, walkouts, and other forms of direct action – not just education or political lobbying – have been essential in preventing harms and raising consciousness and public attention. MTA must explore civil disobedience and/or other forms of direct action against corporations doing harm to people, communities and the environment, as well as Congressional members who support the We the People Amendment Congressional co-sponsors to do more and those who are uncommitted to sign up.
8. Focus on leadership development and empowerment
Labor unions spread through training of rank-and-file members to be leaders. This included training labor history, strategies, negotiation and organizing. MTA prioritizes political education and leadership development through our Movement Education Program to create a mass of informed constitutional activists.
9. Diversity is essential for promoting authentic democracy
The labor movement increasingly aligns with racial, gender, climate, and immigrant justice. Corporate rule impacts all these struggles Move to Amend must continue to uphold its mission and statement of values to “commit to anti-oppression within ourselves, communities, workplaces, policies, and representation.” The We the People Amendment must be seen as a tool to liberate all oppressed communities.
In solidarity
Greg Coleridge
National Co-Director
